But learning Russian is fascinating when I can understand such languages like Belarusian, Ukrainian and even a bit of Polish. It just shows how many doors it opens up for you. Food Russian food and Belarusian food are similar. In fact, most Eastern European foods originated from one source at some point, with each country taking its own version of it.
There is often a stereotype in Russia that Belarus loves its potatoes. This is true, the Belarusians can make anything out of potatoes, including vodka! So, when it comes to Belarusian cuisine, many of the foods revolve around this food. Of course, not every dish is made of potatoes, but the best ones are. And of course, quite a lot of meals in Belarus have originated in Russia, but their unique dishes that can only be found in Belarus are something to be proud of.
Traditions Of course, Belarus celebrates many of the same holidays as Russia, like Orthodox Christmas and New Year, epiphany, and many military-related holidays. However, Belarus has its own unique holidays and traditions. Like Kupalle, celebrated all night on July 6th, an ancient holiday dedicated to the sun and based on close contact with nature, similar to our summer solstice celebrations in the West.
But it is more important in Belarus and widely celebrated, with the rituals including singing, dancing and traditions such as fire-jumping and night swims. Or Maselnitsa, a holiday connected with the end of winter and the start of spring.
There is a big scarecrow that represents the winter, which then is burnt in the fire. Russian official Literacy definition: age 15 and over can read and write total population: Drinking water source improved: urban: Sanitation facility access improved: urban: Major cities - population Health expenditures 5.
Russia has undergone significant changes since the collapse of the Soviet Union, moving from a centrally planned economy towards a more market-based system.
Both economic growth and reform have stalled in recent years, however, and Russia remains a predominantly statist economy with a high concentration of wealth in officials' hands. Economic reforms in the s privatized most industry, with notable exceptions in the energy, transportation, banking, and defense-related sectors.
The protection of property rights is still weak, and the state continues to interfere in the free operation of the private sector. Russia is one of the world's leading producers of oil and natural gas, and is also a top exporter of metals such as steel and primary aluminum. Russia is heavily dependent on the movement of world commodity prices as reliance on commodity exports makes it vulnerable to boom and bust cycles that follow the volatile swings in global prices.
A combination of falling oil prices, international sanctions, and structural limitations pushed Russia into a deep recession in , with GDP falling by close to 2. The downturn continued through , with GDP contracting another 0. Government support for import substitution has increased recently in an effort to diversify the economy away from extractive industries.
As part of the former Soviet Union, Belarus had a relatively well-developed industrial base, but it is now outdated, inefficient, and dependent on subsidized Russian energy and preferential access to Russian markets. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, an initial burst of economic reforms included privatization of state enterprises, creation of private property rights, and the acceptance of private entrepreneurship, but by the reform effort dissipated.
Several businesses have been renationalized. Economic output declined for several years following the break-up of the Soviet Union, but revived in the mids. Belarus has only small reserves of crude oil and imports crude oil and natural gas from Russia at subsidized, below market, prices.
Belarus derives export revenue by refining Russian crude and selling it at market prices. Russia and Belarus have had serious disagreements over prices and quantities for Russian energy. In April , Belarus agreed to pay its gas debt and Russia restored the flow of crude. New non-Russian foreign investment has been limited in recent years, largely because of an unfavorable financial climate.
In , a financial crisis lead to a nearly three-fold devaluation of the Belarusian ruble. The Belarusian economy has continued to struggle under the weight of high external debt servicing payments and a trade deficit. Budget revenues dropped because of falling global prices on key Belarusian export commodities.
Since , the Belarusian government has tightened its macro-economic policies, allowed more flexibility to its exchange rate, taken some steps towards price liberalization, and reduced subsidized government lending to state-owned enterprises. First, it appeals to the elites and populations of traditionally pro-Russian countries, where susceptibility to a one-nation myth is substantial.
Many people in self-proclaimed secessionist polities with an Orthodox Christian majority, such as Transnistria and Abkhazia, are also likely to accept the myth as a given. This in turn has been reflected in the stated intentions of their leaders, occasionally voiced throughout the s, to join the Union State of Belarus and Russia, which was presented at the time as an embryonic format for the restoration of a pa n-Slavic union. Second, far-right movements and far-right political parties in Western Europe — including in Austria, France, Germany and Italy — have sometimes adhered to the myth of a Russian triune nation.
In some cases, such a position has reflected the personal views of leaders of these movements or parties. In others, it has served the interests of particular groups in showcasing their trust for, and friendly relations with, Russia. In still other cases, the credence given to the myth is simply the result of the co-optation of far-right groups by Russian agents of influence.
It is historically inaccurate to claim that Russia, Ukraine and Belarus ever formed a single national entity. This perspective turned into an official ideology of the Russian Tsardom from the mids onwards, once it started expanding into a continental empire.
The Grand Duchy declined and was gradually Polonized, however, as a result of matrimonial unification with the Polish Crown. This culminated in the establishment, in , of a confederal Republic of Two Nations also known as the Polish—Lithuanian Commonwealth , which was eventually partitioned by neighbouring empires 2 00 years later.
The idea of a triune Russian nation thus downgrades the uniqueness of the indigenous cultures which developed in the western reaches of the Tsarist empire, and notably overlooks their specific linguistic Ruthenian and religious Catholic and Unia te components. The narrative of inherent Russianness is also misconceived because, apart from ardent advocates of Eastern Slavic unity, such as Belarusian President Aliaksandr Lukashenka, few people in Ukraine or Belarus would likely validate it.
Adherence to the myth of an all-Russian nation has several important policy implications to this day. These stereotypes are cultivated by Russophile propagandists whose end goal is not simply to win an ideological battle among historians, but to support a Russian geopolitical agenda with material, legal and security implications.
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